MontCo Rallies For Bruce Hanes and Marriage Equality

As of closing today Montgomery County Register of Wills D. Bruce Hanes has given out 78 marriage licenses to same sex couples and 21 of them have wed.  Sixteen couples applied today alone and last week saw one couple drive from Pittsburgh and another couple from Portland, Maine get a license to marry here.  Many of these couples seem to be from Southeastern Pennsylvania but some are taking advantage of this window to drive from different corners of the Commonwealth to Norristown.  

Today those LGBT and straight allies of Hanes held a rally in frnt of the Montgomery County courthouse to show their appreciation.  Included were three candidates for Congress in the 13th CD.  Also speaking were several House members from Harrisburg:  Mark Cohen, Brendan Boyle, Matt Bradford and Madelein Dean.

Before the event began a couple came by on their way in to get their marriage license and joined the rally.  Lisa Dow Summey and Renee Juliano even got to speak and showed off their newly minted marriage license.  They have three children who now will be able to have more secure futures because their Moms will be legally married and entitled to more than a thousand rights denied them until now.

Sen. Leach:

Dean:

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Boyle:

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Sen. Leach is hugged by a couple he personally married:

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This adorable little boy has a question:

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Summey and Juliano:

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Nearly 1.8 Million in PA Will See Food Assistance Cut

SNAP helps nearly 1 in 3 U.S. children get enough to eat. All of them will see their benefits cut in November.By Chris Lilienthal, Third and State

Nutrition assistance is our nation’s first line of defense against hunger and a powerful tool to help keep families out of poverty. Come November, this critical federal assistance will be cut, making it that much more difficult for 1.8 million Pennsylvanians to put food on the table for themselves and their families.

The November cut to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the program formerly known as food stamps, will impact all of the more than 47 million Americans, including 22 million children, who receive benefits. It will likely amount to a reduction of $29 a month in benefits for a family of three — $319 in all through September 2014. This is a serious loss for families whose benefits, after this cut, will average less than $1.40 per person per meal.

To put the cut in some perspective, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates it will equal out to 21 lost meals per month for a family of four or 16 lost meals per month for a family of three.

A majority of those who receive SNAP benefits are children and the elderly, for whom food assistance is essential. SNAP helps nearly one in three children in the U.S. get enough to eat. All 22 million of them will see their benefits cut in November.

Elderly Pennsylvanians will also be affected. People like Ruth Vesa, a 78-year-old widow in Pittsburgh and Just Harvest client, who said: “I'm very thankful for the food stamp program because it enables me to have good food to eat and not be worried about my medical prescriptions. Otherwise I would have to make a choice. Any cuts to the program would be hurtful to me personally.”

In addition to helping to feed hungry families, SNAP is one of the fastest, most effective ways to spur the economy. Every $1 increase in SNAP benefits generates about $1.70 in economic activity. Benefits boost demand for farm produce, helping to keep our nation’s farms strong.

So why is it being cut? The cut is the result of an expiring provision in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) that temporarily boosted SNAP benefits to strengthen the economy and ease hardship in the wake of the recession. This small increase has been a lifeline for many Pennsylvanians, a majority of whom work but earn low wages. It has allowed them to stay afloat during the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

Even though the economy is still weak and families are still struggling, Congress has not acted to extend the modest increase in nutrition assistance beyond November. In fact, the U.S. House of Representatives could vote on cutting the program by $20 billion or more in the coming weeks. If enacted, such cuts could leave many families and their children without assistance to put food on the table when they need it most.

That is the wrong path for the wellbeing of our nation, the health of our families, and the growth of our economy.

‘This Is What the Middle Class Looks Like’

By Stephen Herzenberg, Third and State

“This is what democracy looks like.” Even though this chant originated with the Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization (WTO), which haven’t yet led to major reforms, the phrase nonetheless captures the idea of a social movement that has crystallized its demands and has a better chance to succeed because of it. Other examples include the right to vote in the civil rights movement, or the fight to legalize gay marriage, a simple modern demand that culminates a fight for equality in all its dimensions.

One challenge in the U.S. fight for economic justice since inequality began to yawn wider in the 1970s has been the lack of a simple demand that either working people or elites thought could bring back the middle class. Having such a demand fuels social movements because it gives members of the movement confidence – conviction – that there is a way for the world to give them what they want. It also fuels social movements because it gives the broader society a way to let the protesters get a win.

The fast food workers engaging in one-day strikes across the country may be on the verge of crystallizing a simple demand to which their low-wage employers could accede – and, in the process, cracking the code to the next U.S. middle class.

Today’s story on these strikes in The New York Times says that the organizers aren’t actually clear yet on the path to victory. The demand is a $15-per-hour wage – a ticket to the middle class. But will progress result from a higher minimum wage, local living wage requirements for big chains, or companies themselves raising wages to get off the front page? (This is where you say in your best pompous pundit voice, “Well, ah, um, cough, good question.”)

Because these protesters have a practical, confident vision of the end point they want – an economy that pays lower-wage workers a middle-class wage (so what if Big Macs cost 50 cents more) – they have a good chance of finding the mechanism that can get them there and keep them there (or forcing the rest of us to figure out the mechanism).

I think the mechanism is pretty simple – it’s a union of all fast food workers in a metro area, across multiple companies. It would borrow heavily from building trades union models, such as electricians and carpenters. It would set area-wide wages, $15 an hour to start, as well as establish multi-employer health and pension plans. Most of the basic institutional solutions here were anticipated by SEIU’s Justice for Janitors campaigns going back to the late 1980s. Former KRC Research Director Howard Wial wrote a brilliant article about this back in 1993. Howard, another colleague, and I wrote a shorter version of the same pitch in the house organ of the Democratic Leadership Council (The New Democrat) in 1998. These ideas also overlap those in Dishing It Out, a history of waitress unions published by Dorothy Sue Cobble in 1991, in part because Cobble recognized the relevance of these unions to the contemporary low-wage service sector.

The same basic union model works in any service industry sector that cannot relocate because it has to be near customers – in other words, for virtually all the nation’s low-wage jobs. This includes workers in hotels, supermarkets, hardware stores, and other parts of retail; in non-fast-food restaurants; in child care, long-term care, and health care as a whole – doctors and some nurses are well paid, but too often workers on the lower end of the pay scale do not get middle-class wages even though their compensation is a small fraction of health-care costs. The generic formula: $15 per hour starting wage, decent benefits, and, if some businesses and policymakers are smart about it, more investment in training and the creation of career ladders.

This is what the middle class looks like.

If we can cross the Rubicon to this type of institutional solution and lock in $15 per hour in just one or two places, it will take off. We’ll have a mass variation on the old line from When Harry Met Sally – “I’ll have what she’s having.” Except, in this case, it will be, “I’ll have that kind of unionism New York, or Chicago, or St. Louis fast food workers are having.” This take-off would be analogous to when the United Auto Workers broke the code to establish a union at GM after the Flint sit-down strike, which paved the way for unionism at Chrysler, Ford, GE, Westinghouse, and in the steel industry. It paved the way for industry-wide wages and benefits through mass manufacturing. And the American middle class was born with employers paying, who knows, maybe twice what they paid before the upsurge.

So, with respect, I disagree with labor historian Nelson Lichtenstein who says in The New York Times that these protests won’t lead to unionization.

Of course, to paraphrase an old joke about economists and recessions (“I’ve predicted seven of the last three recessions”), I’ve predicted three of the last zero “New Deals for a New Economy.”

Still, I stand by my conviction. This IS what the middle class looks like. And it’s just right there, waiting to be born.